Apparently, an education official in New South Wales has called for study of the Holocaust to be made mandatory at all schools in his charge. He is appalled, he said, to discover that students did not know about the genocide of the Jews of Europe.

While reading that article, I realised that he was right, but maybe not for the reasons he might think. Perhaps then, people would recognise how, today, Israel is out-Ghettoing the Nazis without much comment from the rest of the world.

But the real lesson of the Holocaust is not the death of six million Jewish people. Actually, I couldn’t give a shit that they were Jewish - they were human beings! And they weren’t unique in their suffering.

In Masquerade - Dancing Around Death In Nazi-Occupied Hungary, George Soros’s father wrote, “When systematic persecution of the Jews began, it was carried out not by the Germans, nor by their Hungarian lackeys, but–most astonishingly–by the Jews themselves.  One of the first things the Germans did was to form a so-called Jewish Council, consisting of the leaders of the Jewish community.  Council members were made personally responsible for the implementation of the various German measures relating to the Jewish population.  As a reward, they, their families, and those who worked for them were exempted, at least at the beginning, from these restrictions… The Jewish Council carried out the German wishes far more conscientiously than the Germans could themselves.”

This should be the lesson of the Holocaust as we watch the renewed march towards fascism happening before our very eyes - how easy it to manipulate people’s behaviour through fear. That until we are willing to open our eyes and stare the enemy in the face, until we are willing to stand up and fight for the rights of our children, our civilisation is doomed to continued and continuous slavery at the hands of people who think like Nazis.

Because those of us that sit back and do nothing are worse than the George Soros’ of this world*.

–

* Describing George Soros’s contribution to the Nazi operation, his father wrote, “As Jews couldn’t go to school any more and their teachers couldn’t teach, they were ordered to report to Council headquarters.  The children were enlisted as couriers under the command of their teachers.  My younger son, George, also became a courier.  On the second day, he returned home at seven in the evening.

‘What did you do all day?’

‘Mostly nothing. But this afternoon I was given some notices to deliver to various addresses.’

Did you read what they said?’

I even brought one home.’

He handed me a small slip of paper, with a typewritten message [a summons]. ‘Do you know what this means?’ I asked him.

‘I can guess,’ he replied, with great seriousness. ‘They’ll be interned.’”

His father explained that George was “clearly disappointed that I wouldn’t let him work anymore.  He was beginning to enjoy his career as a courier; it was all a big adventure.”

George today continues to make his own contribution to the deaths of millions. His attitude to humanity is best summed up in his introduction to his father’s book, “It is a sacreligious thing to say, but these ten months [of the Nazi occupation] were the happiest times of my life … We led an adventurous life and we had fun together.”

Today is quatorze juillet here in France, commemorating the 14th July 1789 storming of the Bastille, which ultimately triggered the Jacobin Revolution.

The storming of the Bastille is typical of those events in history, such as the burning of the Reichstag, or the 11th September “attacks;” events which are entirely fabricated and manipulated for the sake of public opinion - in this case to arrange for the restoration of Swiss born Jacques Necker as Finance Minister, who had been dismissed from his post by Louis XVI on the 11th July.

It was certainly clear to Jean-Sylvain Bailly, first deputy of Paris to the Estates General, first president to the National Assembly, first Mayor of Paris, and later beheaded during the Jacobin Terror of Robespierre, that the storming of the Bastille was such an event. “The agitation of the people, had changed to fury,” he wrote. “It was clear that an order had been given to storm the Bastille.”

By 8 o’clock on the morning of the 14th July, the cannons on the Bastille were already pointing at the people. Why? Why defend such an unimportant post? It was only a prison, after all. What’s more, there were only seven prisoners - four forgers, two “lunatics” and one “deviant” aristocrat, the comte de Solages. The Marquis de Sade had been transferred out ten days earlier, by “coincidence.”

At around 1.30 pm, the guns fired on the crowd outside. By 3pm, the crowd was reinforced by “mutinous” gardes françaises and other “deserters” from among the regular troops, along with two cannon. At 5pm, the governor, de Launay, ordered a cease fire. The gates were opened and at 5.30 pm the vainqueurs swept in to “liberate” the Bastille.

Bailly wrote in his memoires, “there is no doubt that orders were given to defend himself [de Launay] to the very last; and I cannot conceive of the reason for this, because the Bastille was neither a citadel, nor an important post … Whatever may have been his orders, a general insurrection was surely not intended; it necessarily had to force a modification of them. The Bastille was a prison and not a citadel; it was not worth defending at the cost of the people’s blood; even the commandant of a post must defend himself differently, whether he is attacked by the people or by the enemies of the nation. This situation required more precise orders, much more appropriate to the circumstances of the moment, which were not known in Versailles, for taking the extreme decision to open fire and to massacre Frenchmen. De Launay has not recognised the deputations that were sent to him; furthermore it was his duty to call on the city to discuss [the situation] with him.”

Bailly believed that the whole affair had been a pre-planned insurrection organised by Jacques Necker, Philippe Égalité, and Baron Besenval de Bronstadt. It bears an uncanny resemblance to the Jacobin storming of Newgate prison in London, nine years earlier.